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World News
Vol. 25 Issue 26 April 3, 2003
 
Content is Provided by:
DW TV Logo - Internatinal News Content Provider

  Iraq Rift Launches New Era in German Foreign Policy
 


The country's foreign policy is emerging from under the shadow of the Cold War
 
The strong fabric binding Berlin and Washington is fraying as German foreign policy undergoes a rapid transformation. DW-WORLD talks to analysts about where it's headed next.
 
With the German and British flags displayed neatly behind him, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder on Thursday uttered the words that he hopes will heal the rift that Iraq has opened within Europe and across the Atlantic.
 
"No matter what the difference of opinions were before, it goes without saying that healthy transatlantic relations are necessary and we'll work towards that aim in the future," he said, following a meeting with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, America' strongest EU ally in the Iraq war.
 
Foreign policy analysts in Germany couldn't agree more. The Iraq war marked the biggest step forward in a German foreign policy that has been growing out of the shadows of World War II and the Cold War. Some see it as a positive part of Germany's political evolution since reunification 12 years ago. To others, Germany is treading a dangerous line by alienating the United States and putting its faith in the fledgling foreign policy of a fractious and unreliable Europe.
 
"I think this is a watershed," said Jens van Scherpenberg, head of the transatlantic affairs department of the German Institute for International and Security Affairs. "The transatlantic alliance is not about to be what it was."
 
The decline of the U.S.-German relationship
 
Since just after Sept. 11, 2001, when around 300,000 Germans gathered in Berlin's Tiergarten park to show their solidarity with the United States, relations between Berlin and Washington have taken a massive turn. Agreement with the U.S. in Afghanistan turned to cautious criticism and then outright disagreement when the Bush administration began agitating for a military invasion of Iraq.

As the U.N. Security Council debated a U.S. and British demand to sanction military action against Hussein's regime in Baghdad, Germany partnered with France, Russia and China to form a powerful anti-war alliance. The U.S.-British coalition eventually went to war without a U.N. resolution and American congressmen renamed their cafeteria French fries to "freedom" fries and vowed to strike back at former allies France and Germany.
 
"It's not just what they (the Germans) did, but how they did it," said Jeffrey Gedmin, director of the Aspen Institute in Berlin and an outspoken critic of the German government's Iraq policy.  "What does it mean when … an ally like Germany is not just prepared to abstain but to actively, energetically and systematically … contribute to the failure of our mission? It makes people ask if that's the way an ally functions."
 
Dr. Ingo Peters, who heads the Center on Transatlantic Foreign and Security Policy Studies at Berlin's Free University, said Schröder's team could have adopted a better tactic.
 
"The problem is that the transatlantic relationship isn't just a bilateral relationship, it's a multilateral relationship," said Peters. "And so it's not just the (German-American relationship) that has been damaged, it's the European-American relationship as well. "
 
The battle to craft one European voice
 
Nothing has proven to be a bigger set-back to Europe's dream of a common foreign policy than the Iraq war. While Denmark, Italy, Spain and Great Britain rallied to America's side, France, Germany and Belgium lead a coalition of EU nations vehemently opposed to the war.
 
With fighting all but over, pro and anti-war Europe is trying to find its way back to a happy middle. Recent meetings over postwar Iraq between EU foreign ministers and Blair and Schröder are indications those intentions are honest.
 
"It's very central that Germany, France and Great Britain come to an agreement, I think that's also in the interest of Blair and the transatlantic alliance," said Stefan Fröhlich, a University of Erlangen professor who just finished a stint at Johns Hopkins University's Center for Transatlantic Security in Washington.
 
"This German administration sees and recognizes the importance of getting that unified voice," said Fröhlich. "Not in the sense of fashioning a counterweight, but with the realization that we will achieve something in America when we speak with one voice."
 
The road to a unified European policy is filled with roadblocks, however.  The loud talk about unified military ambitions -- and a planned meeting on security policy with the leaders of France, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg in April -- comes at a time when the EU is undergoing the greatest expansion in its history, welcoming even more voices and opinions into the already cacophonous body. 
 
The Aspen Institute's Gedmin, who dismisses German pledges to prioritize Europe's military presence as "smoke and mirrors," says that Germany needs to be careful not to try to create a strong Europe with the sole aim of creating a counterbalance to the United States.
 
"It will become a problem if the foreign policy program of Germany is to play the old French Gaullist card, trying to define itself and Europe in opposition to the United States," Gedmin warned.
 
Most analysts agree that a healthy, strong relationship to the United States is necessary, but needs to be redefined.
 
"They have to first find out how to deal with one another," said Peters of Berlin's Free University. With the threat of atomic war gone and the iron curtain collapsed, the partners need new common interests, "and that's not a process that can happen from one day to the next."

Andreas Tzortzis, with reporting by Marc Young
 


  Iraq War Opponents Stress Importance of the United Nations
 


Summit in St. Petersburg: not intended to counterbalance the U.S. and Britain
 
Germany's chancellor met with his French and Russian counterparts to discuss postwar Iraq. The three agreed the United Nations must play a central role in rebuilding Iraq, and force should only be used as a last resort.
 
The leaders of Germany, France and Russia laid out the results of their two-day summit in St. Petersburg to discuss the issue of postwar Iraq on Saturday and tried to shake off the impression that their meeting was a reaction to the U.S.-British summit in Belfast earlier in the week.
 
The three statesmen did not back off from their insistence that the United Nations should be the guiding force in reconstructing Iraq, but their tones were muted.
 
Their views "practically coincided" in the conviction to uphold the role of the U.N. Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said. He called for modernization of the United Nations and said that proper consultation could prevent future conflicts.
 
"We understand the world is changing rapidly. It is clear the system of international law must change and be refined to meet the needs of that rapidly changing world," Putin said. "It is important that [the United Nations has] the instruments available to resolve the problems of world security," he said.
 
As U.S. and British forces struggled to quell looting in Iraqi cities, French President Chirac said at a conference on international law attended by the three leaders on Friday, "No long term international order can be based on the logic of force." He emphasized that force should only be employed as a last resort and only with the sanction of the United Nations.
 
German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder too, highlighted the importance of the U.N. He said it remained "the sole world body based on universal values and legal principles."
 
"We should use the experience the U.N. has acquired in other areas in rebuilding a democratic Iraq," Schröder said, after receiving an honorary doctorate from St. Petersburg's law faculty on Friday.
 
The three leaders all welcomed Saddam Hussein's deposal. They were, however, skeptical that the United States and Britain intended to make room for the United Nations to take on the leading role in rebuilding Iraq, despite statements this week from U.S. President George W. Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair that that would be the case.
 
Not full consensus
 
Although agreed on the role of the United Nations, differences were apparent in their views on Iraq's future.
 
While Schröder has said it is too early to begin concrete negotiations on the postwar order in Iraq, Russia and France appear to be anxious to stake out roles in the oil industry there. The former Iraqi regime owes €7.5 million ($8 million) to Russia and France each and around €4 million ($4.3) to Germany.
 
U.S. Deputy Defense Minister Paul Wolfowitz had called on the three countries to waive a large part of Iraq's debts to support reconstruction.
 
That issue could be discussed at a summit of G-8 states in France in late May, Putin said.
 
Putin and Chirac were both critical of the U.S. and Britain's actions. Putin pointed out that the fact weapons of mass destruction had not yet been found in Iraq called into question the logic of the U.S.-led war there.
 
Schröder refrained from criticizing the coalition.
 
Opposition denounces summit
 
Leading German oppositional politicians were critical of the summit.
 
Friedbert Plüger, foreign policy spokesman for the Christian Democrat - Christian Socialist parliamentary group said in a an interview on Inforadio Berlin-Brandenburg it was "somewhat questionable whether it was smart that the three, who were decidedly against the route the Americans and British took, met again right after the war and vociferously made demands."
 
Instead of continuing the "ineffective, inauspicious axis of three" the German government should have begun talks with the United States and Britain, he added.
 
His colleague, Christian Democrat foreign policy spokesman Wolfgang Schäuble, accused the trio of misusing the summit to strengthen the "Paris-Berlin-Moscow axis." He maintained that the cost would be continued poor relations with the United States, which was contrary to Germany's interests, he told the Welt am Sonntag newspaper.
 
Free Democrat parliamentary group leader Wolfgang Gerhardt said in the same paper the United States was again being confronted by a "closed anti-Atlantic front," while Schröder had become an "axis smith" and had learned nothing "from our history."
 
Schröder will meet British Prime Minister Tony Blair on Tuesday in Hannover.



 


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