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After suffering a spat with Washington over the war in Iraq, Paris
is seeking to make amends by proposing a new transatlantic charter
that would define the parameters of European-American relations.
Diplomatically, it’s been a patchy year for French relations
with the United States. French President Jacques Chirac tried everything
he could to prevent Washington from going to war against Iraq. As
thanks for his efforts, the U.S. Congress rechristened french fries
as "freedom fries" and thousands boycotted French restaurants
across the country, even those that, ironically, were owned by Americans.
Now the French are seeking ways to heal the transatlantic rift –
one of the worst in postwar history. At a meeting of French ambassadors
on Thursday, Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin proposed establishing
a new transatlantic charter that would redefine the relationship between
Europe and the U.S. in the wake of the Iraq war.
"We are in a new strategic environment and certain fundamental
elements of our relationship have changed," de Villepin said.
"Our response to threats may differ on points; our conception
of the role of the United Nations is not always the same."
Common values
The charter would focus on Europe's and America's common values and
"complementary elements to be exploited." At the same time
it would seek to "manage the differences" between Europe
and the U.S. in de Villepin’s words, establishing framework
for new dialogue and identifying areas where cooperation could be
improved.
But observers are skeptical the United States will seriously consider
de Villepin’s proposal, which he announced as part of his government’s
foreign policy goals for the next year.
"These charters can only work if both parties are ready
to compromise. The U.S. is not ready to be constrained in any of its
actions by a new diplomatic charter," Guillaume Parmentier of
the French Center on the United States told London’s Guardian
newspaper.
But with relations at an all-time low, the French have nothing to
lose in trying.
"We have a new history to write," de Villepin said. "Perhaps
the moment has come to base a new European-American partnership on
a transatlantic charter."
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Britain's prime minister on Thursday defended his government’s
role in the naming of the source behind the BBC’s story accusing
Downing Street of “sexing up” its September Iraq weapons
dossier.
It would be no exaggeration to call Thursday one of the toughest day
in Tony Blair's political career. Called to London's Royal Court
of Justice, he became only the second British prime minister in history
to appear before a judicial inquiry.
Speaking before the so-called Hutton Inquiry, Tony Blair said he would
have resigned if his government’s Iraq dossier had been "sexed
up," as an explosive BBC report alleged.
"This was an absolutely fundamental charge," the prime minister
said, "This was an allegation that we had behaved in a way which,
if true, would have merited my resignation."
Investigators had called on Blair to answer questions in the
probe into the suicide death of former government scientist David
Kelly. Just days after the Defense Ministry leaked his name to reporters
and he was ordered to testify before two parliamentary foreign affairs
committees, Kelly’s body was found in the woods near his home,
his left wrist slashed.
Public trust plummets
The ensuing scandal has led public trust in Blair to plummet and
has pitted 10 Downing Street in a fierce political battle against
the British Broadcasting Corporation, the country’s independent
public broadcaster. For weeks now Blair has demanded the BBC retract
its report.
After alleging in his BBC report that Blair had exaggerated the threat
of Iraqi weapons, reporter Andrew Gilligan charged in another newspaper
that Downing Street communications chief Alastair Campbell had personally
"sexed up" what was supposed to be an independent intelligence
dossier.
But on Thursday, Blair vigorously denied the charge, saying the claim
that Saddam Hussein could deploy weapons of mass destruction within
45 minutes had come from British intelligence. Throughout its drafting,
he said, he knew it "had to be a document that was owned by the
Joint Intelligence Committee and its chairman." In the end, he
said, "We described the intelligence in a way that was perfectly
justified."
"The best case we could have"
Blair also defended the September Iraq weapons dossier – and
said his government did the best it could under difficult circumstances.
"The clamor for us to produce evidence was very strong,"
he said. "We had to disclose what we knew because there was an
enormous clamor ... it was important it made the best case we could
have."
When Kelly came forward to his boss at the defense ministry and confirmed
he had been the source, Blair said he and his aides were in a "quandary"
as to what they should next do.
Blair told the inquiry’s chief, Lord Hutton, there was "no
way" the government could keep Kelly’s name confidential
after he came forward. The government then wrote to the two parliamentary
committees and disclosed that Kelly had been the source.
"I was really not sure what the right way to handle this issue
was but I knew that we should not be in a situation where we could
be accused of misleading the Commons Foreign Affairs Committee,"
Blair told the inquiry.
Deeply unpleasant
He acknowledged the troubles that posed for Kelly, describing as
"deeply unpleasant," his sudden thrust into the media spotlight.
"It was one of the reasons why we agreed that the press statement
should be agreed with Dr. Kelly, but there was in my view no way of
keeping this information private."
In the end, Blair said he was prepared to accept his own responsibility
in the scandal: "The responsibility is mine at the end of the
day. I take the decision as prime minister, but I wanted to be able
to say that we had played by the book."
But that judgement will only come after Lord Hutton and the other
members of his inquiry have listened to testimony and sifted through
evidence provided by dozens of witnesses from the Blair government
and Kelly's work and social circles.
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